Loopholes plague decree requiring
But
declarations will not be in public realm; family members out of the net
A man pushes a bicycle past an ATM booth of
the Standard Chartered Bank in
A government
decree that supersedes an existing one and requires officials and lawmakers
to reveal their incomes and assets annually fails to plug major loopholes
that enable people to get away with corruption, analysts said.
Perhaps the most
glaring is that the declarations of assets would not be accessible to the
public online, they said.
But they welcomed
the fact that the declarations would no longer be confidential and be used
only to consider promotions, appointments, and complaints against a
particular official.
This had been the
case in the previous version of the decree in 2011.
The declarations
will only be disclosed at annual review meetings of an official’s agency and
posted in their office “with the approval of the heads of the respective
agencies.”
“There is an
inherent conflict of interest in this situation whereby heads of agencies
would tend to cover up and not let outside inspectors go more deeply into the
case,” Tran Thi Lan Huong, governance specialist at the World Bank in
"Will the
head of the agency concerned be willing to admit that there was some form of
corruption in that office?
“At the end of the
day, the head of that agency would be held accountable to that
corruption."
Analysts urged the
authorities to close this loophole.
“Only if public
officials’ declarations are made available to the public in a timely and
user-friendly manner, can the media, civil society, and interested citizens
be able to scrutinize such declarations and identify potential wrongdoings,”
Dao Nga, executive director of the
Who does it target?
Full-time central
and provincial lawmakers - as well as candidates - district and commune
officials above a certain level, commune-level police chiefs, officers who
head military and security units, hospital and academic managers, and
executives of state firms come under the purview of the decree, which took
effect September 5.
Every year they
have to declare their incomes and all assets worth more than VND50 million
(US$2,400) - including cash, gifts, savings, stocks, and vehicles - held
within and outside the country.
“The declaration
aims to keep authorities abreast of the incomes and assets of the officials
for the sake of transparency and deterring and preventing corruption,” the
decree says.
Officials caught
making false declarations can be reprimanded or face demotion or dismissal.
Analysts point out
that the loopholes that rendered its earlier versions virtually toothless
have not been plugged.
Around 620,000
public officials are set to list their assets and incomes on paper starting
at the end of this year.
The millions of
declarations expected in a few years would overwhelm public agencies,
analysts warned.
“This simply makes
the systems of declarations unmanageable from the very beginning,” Jairo
Acuña-Alfaro, anti-corruption policy advisor to the United Nations
Development Program in
Since the decree
was first issued in 2007, analysts have urged the government to consider
addressing the most corruption-prone sectors first before enlarging its
scope.
But clearly this
has fallen on deaf ears, and analysts fear it could make verifying the
declarations too difficult.
“Given the number
of the filers and the nature of the exercise, verifying the declaration is
not a simple task that anyone can do,” World Bank’s Huong said.
“The current
arrangement for verification, where human resources persons and the heads of
agencies are charged with verifying the filings, makes it a formidable task.”
The government
admitted in a report this week to the National Assembly,
But with no plan
to put the declarations of public officials in the public realm,
In
In
Hard to tell
A 2012 study by
the Government Inspectorate and the World Bank found that many government
officials earn from "unofficial" sources.
Of nearly 2,000
officials in 10 localities and five central government agencies, 79 percent
were found to have other incomes on top of salaries and official bonuses –
like payments for attending meetings, gift money and others.
More than 82
percent of those earning extra money said it amounted to less than half their
salaries, 11 percent said it was 50-100 percent of their salaries, and the
rest admitted it was up to five times their salaries.
It is in this
context that the failure to first focus on corruption-prone sectors is
inexplicable.
The country ranks
poorly in global corruption surveys, standing 123rd out of 176 countries in
the Transparency International-commissioned Corruption Perception Index last
year.
The government
said in the report to the National Assembly this week that corruption has not
abated and has permeated many sectors of the political system.
At a Communist
Party’s Central Committee meeting last October, General Secretary Nguyen Phu
Trong admitted to the failure to address rampant corruption.
He said the
Politburo, the Party’s decision-making body, had “seriously criticized itself
and admitted to major mistakes.”
Trong said some
senior Party members and their “wives and children” had failed to behave in
an exemplary manner.
Since last year
several legislators have been even more forthright, publicly accusing many
bureaucrats of funneling their ill-gotten gains, obtained in the forms of
houses, lands, or cars, to their family members and close relatives.
“Such goings-on
have continued and are getting increasingly sophisticated today,” Le Nhu
Tien, an outspoken lawmaker who raised this issue at a house session last
year, told Vietweek.
The decree stops
short of requiring family members of officials to disclose their incomes and
assets.
Conflict-of-interest
laws too are weak in
Given all this,
“it is all but impossible to distinguish between legitimate and ill-gotten
gains,” Tien said.
By An Dien,
Thanh Nien News
|
Thứ Tư, 18 tháng 9, 2013
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